Taqwa Nedal Abu Kmeil

After five attempts to pass a resolution to halt the Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip, the Security Council, with the U.S. looking the other way, succeeded in issuing a “ceasefire” resolution. The resolution, issued under Chapter VI, will be for the remainder of Ramadan, numbered 2728. This resolution embodies a U.S. political stance against Israel without implying its practicability, mainly after Washington emptied it of its substance, considering it “non-binding.”

Thus, this resolution joins a large set of resolutions issued by the Security Council, shelved within the drawers of the United Nations without further review, the majority of which are related to Israel and its establishment and expansion of occupation since 1947. It starts with United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181, which predates the 1948 Nakba (catastrophe) and is related to the partition of Palestine between Jews and Palestinians, followed by General Assembly Resolution 194, which demanded the return of Palestinian refugees displaced by Zionist gangs from their lands during the Nakba. This resolution was not implemented, nor was there any forceful push for its implementation.

The same applies to Security Council Resolution 242, issued after the 1967 War, calling for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from “territories” occupied during military operations, including the West Bank, Gaza, Sinai, and the Golan Heights, which was ignored by the occupying state and its supporters, leaving the resolution stalled until it faded in settlement negotiations, with talks of land swaps and division of influence in the occupied territories, as is happening today in the West Bank. There’s also Security Council Resolution 425 from 1978, demanding Israel withdraw from territories it occupied in Lebanon, which did not happen until Israel decided to withdraw in 2000 after a long war of attrition with resistance factions.

Recent history is no different from the past regarding international resolutions on the Palestinian issue. In 2016, Resolution 2334 was passed, demanding Israel cease settlement activities in the West Bank and halt new settlement construction in Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem. However, the aftermath was the opposite, with the settler population increasing by approximately 15% since the resolution’s adoption.

Is the Resolution Binding for Israel?

United Nations Security Council resolutions, particularly those under Chapter VI of the UN Charter, are binding for member states. They require governments to take or abstain from specific actions under the threat of sanctions or even military intervention. However, the binding nature of any resolution largely depends on its wording and the context in which it’s passed. If the resolution explicitly demands an immediate ceasefire from all parties involved, including Israel, it places a legal obligation on Israel to comply.

Analyzing the Binding Nature of a UN Security Council Resolution Amidst Continued Conflict

Despite the resolution’s clear intent, Israeli forces continued their bombardment in the hours following its issuance. Complicating matters further, a statement from Washington said that the resolution is not binding, directly contradicting the assertions of other Council members regarding its obligatory nature. This divergence raises significant questions about the resolution’s actual enforceability and the dynamics of international law. The discrepancy between Washington’s stance and that of other Council members underscores the complex interplay between national interests and international obligations. It highlights a fundamental challenge in international law: its reliance on the collective will of sovereign states to enforce its mandates.

The continued Israeli military action following the resolution introduces a critical dimension to the debate over the resolution’s binding nature. It poses questions about the efficacy of international mechanisms in enforcing peace and the role of significant powers in upholding or undermining these processes. Israel’s actions, set against the backdrop of a divided international response, could be interpreted as a challenge to the authority of the Security Council. This situation underscores the limitations of international resolutions when key stakeholders are not in agreement or when strategic alliances override the collective will of the United Nations.

The United States plays a pivotal role in this scenario, not just as a permanent member of the Security Council with veto power but also as a critical ally of Israel. Washington’s assertion that the resolution is not binding reflects its strategic priorities and interpretation of international law in the context of Israeli security concerns.

This stance, however, raises concerns about the consistency of international law application and the potential for geopolitical considerations to dilute the impact of Security Council resolutions. It also highlights the challenge of achieving international consensus in conflicts where significant powers have vested interests. Following the Security Council’s resolution for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the unfolding situation reveals the complexities of international diplomacy, the interpretation of legal obligations, and the influence of national interests on global peace efforts. The divergence in views between Washington and other Council members, coupled with the continued Israeli military actions, underscores the challenges in implementing and enforcing UN resolutions.

This scenario prompts a broader reflection on the mechanisms of international law, the role of powerful nations in shaping these processes, and the quest for effective strategies to resolve long-standing conflicts. As the global community grapples with these issues, the fundamental goal remains clear: pursuing peace and security in a world of complex and often conflicting interests.

What are the consequences of Israel not adhering to the resolution?

In an interview with Anadolu Agency, Professor Ahmed Al-Ashqar from the Arab American University clarified that while Security Council resolutions are usually binding, the specific resolution in question lacks enforceability due to its foundation on Chapter VI, rather than Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. This means it encourages, rather than mandates, a ceasefire during Ramadan without threatening international peace and security. Al-Ashqar highlighted the resolution’s potential for implementation had it been issued under Chapter VII, which could involve force against non-compliant states. He noted the resolution’s strategic issuance under Chapter VI, possibly to avoid a veto, underscoring its importance in potentially embarrassing the occupying state and prompting unilateral sanctions despite lacking direct Security Council-enforced sanctions or military action.

  • Economic Sanctions: Although economic sanctions are more often threatened than applied, non-compliance with a Security Council resolution could lead to calls for economic measures against Israel. The implementation and impact of sanctions would depend heavily on the international community’s appetite for such measures and the stance of major global powers.
  • Legal and Humanitarian Implications: Continuous military operations despite a ceasefire resolution could lead to further civilian casualties and humanitarian crises, drawing condemnation from international human rights organizations and possibly leading to investigations for violations of international law.
  • Domestic Political Consequences: Internally, the decision to ignore a ceasefire resolution might affect the Israeli government’s popularity. It could lead to domestic criticism and protests, especially if the conflict escalates or if there are significant Israeli casualties.
  • While the immediate military advantages for Israel of not adhering to a ceasefire resolution might be apparent to some decision-makers, the medium to long-term diplomatic, economic, and security consequences could be significantly detrimental, affecting Israel and the broader regional and international stability.

The Fallout of Israel’s Decision to Cancel the Washington Meeting Post-UN Resolution

In an unexpected turn of events, Israel canceled a high-profile meeting in Washington shortly after the UN Security Council passed a resolution demanding an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. This decision sends ripples through the international community, highlighting the tension between Israel and its closest ally, the United States, and underscoring the complexities of global diplomacy in times of conflict.

Tense Israel-U.S. Relations

In a statement, Netanyahu considered Washington’s decision not to use its veto in the Security Council regarding the ceasefire resolution to be very bad. Traditionally, the United States has shielded Israel from international censure, using its veto power to block resolutions critical of Israeli actions. The absence of such a veto or a statement from Washington describing the resolution as “non-binding” might have been viewed by Israel as a lukewarm commitment to its security concerns, leading to a reevaluation of strategic dialogues.

The cancellation also impacts how other nations perceive Israel’s willingness to engage in diplomatic solutions to the conflict. While some may view it as a principled stand against international pressure, others could see it as a refusal to seek peaceful resolutions. This act might alienate nations that voted for the ceasefire, potentially isolating Israel in the international arena and complicating future diplomatic efforts.

Israel’s cancellation of the meeting in Washington can be interpreted in several ways. On one hand, it may be seen as a signal of Israel’s determination to continue its military operations regardless of international resolutions. This action suggests a firm stance by Israel, potentially indicating a prioritization of its security and military objectives over diplomatic negotiations or international pressure at this juncture.

Taqwa Nedal Abu Kmeil

Taqwa Nedal Abu Kmeil is a Palestinian political scientist. She received her BA in the Political Science and Media department at the Islamic University in Gaza. She is currently a Ph.D. student in the Department of Political Science and International Relations Department at İstanbul Sabahattin Zaim University. She works as an Assistant Fellow at Al Sharq Strategic Research.